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Chapter 13. Mahatma Gandhi And The Nationalist Movement Civil Disobedience And Beyond
In the history of nationalism, certain individuals are often identified with the formation of a nation, like Garibaldi for Italy or George Washington for the United States. Similarly, Mahatma Gandhi is widely regarded as the "Father" of the Indian nation due to his immense influence and revered status within the freedom struggle.
However, like any historical figure, Gandhi's political journey was shaped by the society he lived in; great individuals are both products of history and agents of historical change.
This chapter analyzes Mahatma Gandhi's activities in India from 1915 to 1948, focusing on his interactions with diverse groups, the popular struggles he inspired (Civil Disobedience, Quit India), and the sources historians use to reconstruct his career and associated social movements (writings, speeches, letters, autobiographies, government records, newspapers).
A Leader Announces Himself
Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi returned to India in January 1915 after two decades abroad, mostly in South Africa. In South Africa, he worked as a lawyer and became a leader of the Indian community, developing his unique method of non-violent protest, satyagraha. He also promoted religious harmony and raised awareness about discrimination based on caste and gender.
India had changed politically since he left in 1893. While still a British colony, political activity was more pronounced. The Indian National Congress had expanded, broadening its appeal among the middle classes through movements like the Swadeshi movement (1905-07), which produced leaders like Bal Gangadhar Tilak, Bipin Chandra Pal, and Lala Lajpat Rai ("Lal, Bal, Pal"), representing different regions. While some advocated militant opposition, "Moderates" like Gopal Krishna Gokhale (Gandhiji's political mentor) and Mohammad Ali Jinnah preferred gradual approaches.
On Gokhale's advice, Gandhiji spent a year traveling across India to understand the country. His first major public speech was at the Banaras Hindu University (BHU) opening in February 1916. Though relatively unknown compared to other dignitaries (princes, philanthropists, Congress leaders like Annie Besant), he was invited due to his work in South Africa.
In his BHU speech, Gandhiji criticized the Indian elite's lack of concern for the poor majority. He contrasted the wealth of the "richly bedecked noblemen" present with the absence of "millions of the poor." He urged the elite to give up wealth or hold it in trust for the poor. He stated that India's salvation would come through the farmer, not lawyers, doctors, or rich landlords. His speech was a critique of elite nationalism and an announcement of his intent to make nationalism more representative of the broader Indian population.
In December 1916, at the annual Congress session in Lucknow, a peasant from Champaran (Bihar) approached Gandhiji, informing him of harsh treatment by British indigo planters. This opportunity allowed Gandhiji to begin putting his ideas of representing the poor into practice.
The Making And Unmaking Of Non-Cooperation
Mahatma Gandhi spent much of 1917 in Champaran, working to secure tenure and cultivation freedom for peasants. In 1918, he led two campaigns in Gujarat: a labor dispute in Ahmedabad for better textile mill worker conditions, and a peasant movement in Kheda for tax remission after harvest failure. These localized efforts highlighted his sympathy for the poor.
In 1919, the British extended wartime measures (censorship, detention without trial) through the Rowlatt Act. Gandhiji launched a countrywide campaign against it (Rowlatt satyagraha). Life stopped in towns; protests intense in Punjab (many served in War, felt betrayed). Gandhiji detained en route to Punjab; local Congressmen arrested. Tensions escalated to the Jallianwala Bagh massacre in Amritsar (April 1919), where British troops fired on a meeting, killing hundreds.
The Rowlatt satyagraha made Gandhiji a national leader. Emboldened, he called for "non-cooperation" with British rule. Indians were urged to boycott government institutions (schools, colleges, courts), not pay taxes, and renounce voluntary association with the government. Gandhiji believed non-cooperation would bring swaraj within a year. To broaden struggle, he allied with the Khilafat Movement (Indian Muslim movement supporting restoration of Caliphate in Turkey, symbol of Pan-Islamism).
Khilafat Movement (1919-1920): Movement of Indian Muslims demanding Turkish Sultan retain control over Muslim sacred places, jazirat-ul-Arab remain under Muslim sovereignty, Khalifa have territory to defend faith. Congress supported, Gandhiji linked to Non-cooperation.
Knitting A Popular Movement
Gandhiji hoped combining non-cooperation and Khilafat would unite Hindus/Muslims against colonial rule. Movements unleashed unprecedented popular action: students boycotted schools/colleges, lawyers boycotted courts, working class went on strike (hundreds of strikes, millions of workdays lost 1921). Countryside discontent: hill tribes violated forest laws (Andhra), farmers didn't pay taxes (Awadh), peasants refused to carry loads for officials (Kumaun).
Protests sometimes defied local nationalist leaders. Peasants/workers interpreted "non-cooperate" in self-serving ways. Non-cooperation became name of epoch; negative enough to be peaceful, positive enough to be effective. Entailed denial, renunciation, self-discipline (training for self-rule). Shook British Raj foundation (first time since 1857).
February 1922: Peasants attacked/torched police station in Chauri Chaura (UP). Violence led Gandhiji to call off movement ("No provocation justifies brutal murder"). Thousands jailed; Gandhiji arrested March 1922 for sedition. Judge Broomfield acknowledged Gandhiji as great patriot/leader, man of high ideals/saintly life; sentenced him 6 years imprisonment but expressed hope for early release if situation allows.
A People’S Leader
By 1922, Gandhiji transformed Indian nationalism (redeeming BHU speech promise). No longer elite movement; hundreds of thousands of peasants, workers, artisans participated. Venerated Gandhiji as "Mahatma" (Great Soul). Appreciated his simple dress/lifestyle, speaking their language. Unlike other leaders, didn't stand apart, empathized/identified with common folk. Reflected in dress (simple dhoti), working on charkha daily (breaking caste boundaries, mental/manual labor). Charkha symbolized self-reliance, supplementary income for poor, critique of machine age.
Source 1: Excerpt from Young India (1924, 1927) on Mahatma Gandhi's views on machinery and the charkha.
Gandhi critical of machine craze for labor-saving; leads to unemployment/starvation. Wants to save time/labor for all, concentrate wealth in all hands. Khaddar (hand-spun cloth) doesn't destroy all machinery, regulates its use for service of poorest in cottages. Wheel itself exquisite machinery piece.
Answer:
This excerpt highlights Gandhiji's critique of industrialization driven by profit and labor-saving machinery, which he believed created unemployment and concentrated wealth. He saw the charkha not as rejecting all technology, but as representing a decentralized, small-scale technology that could empower the poor in their homes, provide supplementary income, and foster self-reliance, serving the poorest segments of society. He viewed the charkha as a symbol of a more equitable, non-exploitative human-centered economic system, contrasting it with the large-scale, machine-driven industrial production that he felt enslaved people and widened the gap between rich and poor. It embodies his philosophy of appropriate technology serving human needs, not replacing human labor or enriching only a few.
Historian Shahid Amin traced Gandhiji's image among peasants in eastern UP (Feb 1921 visit). Received by adoring crowds. Rumors of his miraculous powers circulated (e.g., sugarcane juice pan splitting, wheat turning to sesamum). Hindi newspapers reported atmosphere: huge crowds at stations, love overwhelming people, crying. People giving donations freely. Seen as "Gandhi baba," "Gandhi Maharaj," "Mahatma." Appeared as saviour from high taxes/oppressive officials, would restore dignity/autonomy. Appeal enhanced by ascetic lifestyle, use of dhoti/charkha symbols. By caste merchant, profession lawyer; simple lifestyle/manual work empathy with laboring poor. Appeared to understand/relate to their lives.
Source 2: Local newspaper reports (UP, Feb 1921, April 1921) on rumours of Mahatma Gandhi's miraculous powers (splitting pan, transforming wheat to sesamum, house falling apart, crops failing for opponents, brickbats stopping when Gandhi's name taken).
Answer:
These rumours about Gandhiji reflect the hopes and fears of the people, particularly peasants, in their specific socio-economic context. They reflect a strong belief in miraculous or supernatural power ("power of the Mahatma," "Mahatmaji's authenticity"). This belief might stem from traditional religious or folk beliefs common in rural areas, where charismatic or holy figures are often attributed with extraordinary powers. The specific nature of the miracles (affecting crops, production, houses) and the negative consequences for opponents (houses falling apart, crops failing, brickbats stopping) suggest that these rumours reflect the peasants' deepest concerns related to their livelihoods (agriculture, property) and protection from perceived harm or opposition. The rumours indicate that people were attributing divine or supernatural authority to Gandhiji ("Gandhi baba", "Gandhi Maharaj", "Mahatma"), seeing him as a figure capable of intervening in their physical world and dispensing justice or misfortune based on allegiance. These beliefs made him a saviour figure who could potentially deliver them from suffering and oppression, resonating with their aspirations for change and a better life, even if these beliefs were not always based on verifiable facts.
Gandhiji's mass appeal genuine, unprecedented. Success in broadening nationalism based on careful organization: new Congress branches, Praja Mandals in princely states. Encouraged nationalist message in mother tongue (provincial committees on linguistic regions). Nationalism reached distant corners, embraced previously untouched groups. Supporters: prosperous businessmen/industrialists (e.g., G.D. Birla) recognized benefits of free India. Admirers: poor peasants and rich industrialists (reasons for following differed/opposed).
"Gandhian nationalism" depended substantially on followers (associates 1917-22: Mahadev Desai, Vallabh Bhai Patel, J.B. Kripalani, Subhas Chandra Bose, Abul Kalam Azad, Jawaharlal Nehru, Sarojini Naidu, C. Rajagopalachari). Diverse regions/religious traditions. Inspired others to join/work for Congress.
Released Feb 1924, focused on khadi, abolition of untouchability. Social reformer/politician. Believed social evils (child marriage, untouchability) had to end for freedom. Hindu-Muslim harmony essential. Self-reliance (khadi vs. mill-made).
The Salt Satyagraha A Case Study
Years after Non-cooperation, Gandhiji re-entered politics (1928), blessing movements (opposition to Simon Commission, Bardoli satyagraha). Lahore Congress session (Dec 1929) significant: Nehru elected President, proclamation of "Purna Swaraj" (complete independence). Pace picked up.
Jan 26, 1930: "Independence Day" observed (flag hoisting, patriotic songs). Gandhiji issued precise instructions for observance (declaration by villages/cities, meetings at same minute, beating drums, constructive work - spinning, serving "untouchables," Hindu-Muslim reunion, prohibition). Pledge taken affirming right to freedom/fruits of toil, right to alter/abolish oppressive government.
Soon after, Gandhiji announced Salt March to break salt monopoly law (state monopoly in manufacture/sale). Tactical wisdom: salt indispensable in every Indian household, forbidden from making, forced to buy expensive. State monopoly unpopular; target aimed to mobilize wider discontent.
Dandi
British Raj didn't grasp significance of challenge. Gandhiji gave advance notice to Viceroy Lord Irwin. March began March 12, 1930 from Sabarmati ashram to ocean (reached 3 weeks later). Made fistful of salt, criminal act. Parallel marches elsewhere. Rowlatt Act vs. service, Jallianwala Bagh massacre (April 1919).
Source 3: Mahatma Gandhi's writing on why Salt Satyagraha (Why salt symbol of protest, why salt tax more oppressive).
Salt tax wickedly designed. Prevent use of non-taxed salt (14x value sometimes), government destroys unsellable salt. Taxes nation's vital necessity, prevents public making, destroys what nature makes. Dog-in-the-manger policy. Wanton destruction of national property reported everywhere. Maunds/tons destroyed Konkan coast, Dandi. Salt officers posted to destroy natural salt near people. Valuable national property destroyed at national expense, salt taken out of people's mouths. Salt monopoly 4-fold curse: deprives valuable easy village industry, wanton property destruction, destruction adds national expenditure, 1000+% tax from starving people. Tax exists due to public apathy. Now aroused, tax must go. Abolition speed depends on people's strength.
Answer:
Salt became the symbol of protest because it was a basic necessity for everyone, linking all Indians regardless of class, caste, or religion. The salt tax and monopoly made this essential item expensive and inaccessible to the poor, directly impacting their daily lives. Gandhiji considered the salt tax more oppressive than other taxes for several reasons: it taxed a "nation's vital necessity" (salt is indispensable); it was a "fourfold curse" because it destroyed a valuable easy village industry (making salt), involved the "wanton destruction of property that nature produces in abundance" (natural salt), the destruction itself cost the nation ("more national expenditure"), and most importantly, it exacted an "unheard-of tax of more than 1,000 per cent from a starving people," making the essential item prohibitively expensive for the impoverished masses. Its universality and the blatant injustice of taxing and destroying a natural, essential resource made it a potent symbol for mobilizing widespread discontent against the exploitative nature of British rule.
Source 4: Mahatma Gandhi's speech at Dandi (April 5, 1930) on breaking the salt tax law.
Gandhi uncertain allowed to reach Dandi, heard arrest rumor. Reached due to peace/non-violence power. Govt congratulated for not arresting peace army, felt ashamed, feared world opinion. Tomorrow break salt tax law. Whether govt tolerates different question. If he/leaders arrested, movement based on faith entire nation roused, no leader necessary.
Answer:
The speech tells us that Gandhiji viewed the colonial state as powerful but also vulnerable to the forces of peace, non-violence, and world opinion. He saw the state's restraint in arresting the marchers as a sign of its shame or fear of international condemnation, suggesting that it was not an absolute, unchallengeable authority. He framed the breaking of the salt law as a direct challenge to the state's unjust monopoly, portraying it as an act of righteous defiance by a "peace army." The speech also reveals his belief in the inherent power of a roused nation and the idea that mass participation could make the movement independent of individual leaders, implying that the colonial state's authority would ultimately be overwhelmed by collective non-violent action. Overall, he saw the state as capable of repression but also as potentially constrained by ethical considerations and external pressure, and ultimately susceptible to the collective will of a united and non-violent people.
Beyond official campaign, other protests: peasants breached forest laws (Andhra), factory workers struck, lawyers boycotted courts, students refused government schools. Gandhiji's call encouraged discontent manifestation. Rulers detained dissenters (60,000 arrested, including Gandhiji). Police spies reported Gandhiji's progress, speeches urging officials to resign, well-attended meetings of all castes/genders, volunteers joining. Time magazine initially scorned Gandhiji/march ("spindly frame," "spidery loins," "skeptical," "emaciated saint won't go further"), changed mind, called him "Saint," "Statesman," using "Christian acts" vs. "Christian beliefs."
Dialogues
Salt March brought Gandhiji world attention, women participated in large numbers (Kamaladevi Chattopadhyay persuaded him, women courted arrest). Forced British to realize Raj wouldn't last, need to devolve power.
"Round Table Conferences" in London convened. First (Nov 1930) without Gandhiji (jailed), futile. Released Jan 1931, meetings with Viceroy Irwin. "Gandhi-Irwin Pact" (Feb 1931): civil disobedience off, prisoners released, salt manufacture allowed on coast. Criticized by radicals (no independence commitment, only talk assurance).
Second RTC (London, late 1931): Gandhiji represented Congress. Claims challenged by Muslim League (Muslim interests), Princes (no stake in territories), B.R. Ambedkar (Congress didn't represent lowest castes). Ambedkar argued for separate electorates for Depressed Classes, opposed by Gandhiji (perpetuates stigma, prevents integration, Hinders destruction of untouchability). Conference inconclusive. Gandhiji resumed civil disobedience. New Viceroy Willingdon unsympathetic, saw Gandhiji's moves as political maneuvers, not divine inspiration, viewed him as mystical, superstitious to "unpractical, mystical, superstitious folk" viewing him as holy.
Source 5: Mahatma Gandhi's arguments against separate electorates for Depressed Classes (at Round Table Conference).
Separate electorates for "Untouchables" will ensure bondage forever. Will perpetuate stigma. Needed: destruction of "Untouchability." If destroyed, who needs separate electorates?
Answer:
Gandhiji's primary argument against separate electorates for the Depressed Classes was that they would perpetuate the social stigma and segregation associated with untouchability, rather than leading to the abolition of this practice. He believed that separate electorates would permanently isolate the Depressed Classes from the rest of Hindu society, hindering their integration and emancipation. He argued that the focus should be on destroying the practice of "Untouchability" itself, and once that was achieved, separate electorates would become unnecessary. His vision was of an integrated society where caste distinctions were eliminated, making separate political representation based on caste redundant and harmful to the goal of social equality and unity.
Source 6: B.R. Ambedkar's response to Mahatma Gandhi's opposition to separate electorates (from "What Congress and Gandhi Have Done to the Untouchables").
Ambedkar argues Depressed Classes cannot sustain selves in struggle. Religion brands them as lepers, unfit for ordinary intercourse. Economically dependent on high-caste Hindus for living, no independent way. All ways closed by social prejudices, definite attempt to bolt every door to prevent rising. In these circumstances, fair-minded grant community so handicapped needs share of political power to protect itself.
Answer:
Ambedkar's argument for separate electorates is rooted in the harsh reality of the severe social and economic oppression faced by the Depressed Classes due to the caste system. He argues that they are not only disadvantaged ("cannot sustain itself") but actively suppressed by "organised tyranny" and social prejudices of high-caste Hindus who deliberately block their opportunities ("bolt every possible door"). Their religion brands them, and they are economically dependent. In this context, Ambedkar believes that a share of political power, guaranteed through separate electorates, is a "paramount necessity" for the Depressed Classes to protect themselves and fight for their rights and upliftment against systemic discrimination. While Gandhiji focused on the ideal of ending untouchability and achieving social integration as the path to political equality, Ambedkar argued that political power was needed as a tool *to achieve* that social change and self-protection, given the entrenched nature of oppression.
1935 Government of India Act: some representative government. 1937 election: Congress victory, ministries in 8/11 provinces. 1939: WWII. Gandhiji/Nehru critical of Hitler/Nazis, promised support if British grant independence post-war. Offer refused. Congress ministries resigned (Oct 1939). 1940-41: Congress individual satyagrahas for freedom promise.
Quit India
After Cripps Mission failure, Gandhiji launched "Quit India" campaign (Aug 1942). Jailed immediately, but activists (socialists like Jayaprakash Narayan) organized strikes/sabotage underground. "Independent" governments proclaimed (Satara, Medinipur). British responded forcefully, took >1 year to suppress.
"Quit India" mass movement, involved hundreds of thousands. Energized young. While Congress leaders in jail, Jinnah/Muslim League expanded influence (gained presence in Punjab/Sind). Released June 1944, Gandhiji met Jinnah to bridge Congress-League gap. 1945: Labour govt in Britain committed to independence. Viceroy Wavell held talks (Congress, League).
1946: Provincial elections. Congress swept "General" seats; League won overwhelming majority in reserved Muslim seats. Political polarization complete. Cabinet Mission (Summer 1946) failed to get Congress/League agreement on federal system. Talks broke down. Jinnah called "Direct Action Day" (Aug 16, 1946) for Pakistan. Bloody riots in Calcutta, spread to rural Bengal, Bihar, UP, Punjab. Both communities suffered.
Feb 1947: Mountbatten replaced Wavell. Called last talks, inconclusive. Announced British India freed but divided. Formal transfer fixed Aug 15. Celebrated with gusto. In Delhi Constituent Assembly, President invoked "Father of the Nation" (Gandhiji); crowds shouted "Mahatma Gandhi ki jai."
The Last Heroic Days
Aug 15, 1947: Gandhiji not in Delhi for festivities. In Calcutta, marked day with 24-hour fast. Freedom came at unacceptable price: nation divided, communal violence.
Sept-Oct 1947: In Calcutta, visited hospitals/refugee camps, consoled distressed, appealed for forgiveness, fellowship, peace. Moved to Delhi, planned to go to Punjab riots. Meetings in Delhi disrupted by refugees objecting to Koran readings, asking about Hindu/Sikh suffering in Pakistan. Concerned for minorities in Pakistan, felt unable to help when Muslims in Delhi lacked full redress.
Attempt on life Jan 20, 1948, carried on. Jan 26: spoke at prayer meeting, recalled Independence Day past celebrations. Freedom disillusioning. Trusted "worst is over," Indians work for "equality of all classes and creeds, never domination... of major community." Hoped India divided politically/geographically, but "at heart we shall ever be friends and brothers."
Fought for free, united India. Divided, urged respect/befriend. Others less forgiving. Shot dead Jan 30 by Nathuram Godse (Brahmin, extremist Hindu newspaper editor), denounced Gandhiji as "appeaser of Muslims."
Death led to outpouring of grief, tributes, international appreciation (Orwell, Einstein, Time). Time magazine (once mocking) compared martyrdom to Lincoln's: bigots killed Lincoln for believing in racial equality, killed Gandhiji for believing in interfaith friendship.
Knowing Gandhi
Many sources for reconstructing Gandhiji's political career/nationalist movement history.
Public Voice And Private Scripts
Writings/speeches of Gandhiji/contemporaries (associates, adversaries) important. Distinguish public vs. private: speeches public voice, private letters private thoughts (anger, pain, hopes, frustrations). Private-public distinction blurs: letters to individuals intended for public/later publication; fear of print limits free expression in letters. Gandhiji published letters to him (Harijan). Nehru published letter collection (A Bunch of Old Letters).
Source 7: Letters from Jawaharlal Nehru to Mahatma Gandhi (July 5, 1936) and Rajendra Prasad to Jawaharlal Nehru (July 1, 1936, and reply from Mahatma Gandhi to Jawaharlal Nehru, July 15, 1936) regarding internal Congress conflicts over Nehru's socialist views and conservative opposition.
Nehru to Gandhi: Injured party, feeling weak/troubled. Working Committee meetings exhausting, devitalizing. Grateful for smoothing matters, avoiding crisis. Reads Prasad's letter (indictment) - sees self as intolerable nuisance, qualities (ability, energy, earnestness, appeal) dangerous harnessed to socialism. Conclusion obvious (implies resignation needed). Wrote views in book/subsequently, not casual, part of him, must express. Tried mild way for larger unity, inviting thought. Approach asset (enthused masses). Colleagues find dangerous/harmful. Told stressing poverty/unemployment unwise. Gandhi to issue statement. Yours affectionately, Jawaharlal.
Prasad to Nehru: Parted yesterday, spoke w/Mahatmaji, prolonged consultation. Understand Nehru hurt by their action/letter tone. Never intended to embarrass/hurt. Decided to withdraw letter/resignation on reconsideration. Feel Nehru speaking not on Congress program but topic not accepted, acting mouthpiece of minority/Congress than majority. Campaign against them (time over, ideas worn out, obstructing progress, undeserving positions). Injustice done, not receiving protection from Nehru as colleague/President. Yours sincerely, Rajendra Prasad.
Gandhi to Nehru: Letter touching. Nehru feels injured party. Colleagues lacked courage/frankness, spoke clumsily. Dread Nehru's irritability, impatience, chafed under rebukes/magisterial manner, his infallibility/superior knowledge arrogance. Feel treated w/scant courtesy, never defended from socialist ridicule/misrepresentation. Whole affair tragi-comedy. Look lighter. Suggested Nehru for crown of thorns (Presidentship). Keep it, though head bruised. Resume humor in meetings (usual role), not care-worn irritable man. Wishes he felt merry as at Lahore New Year's (danced around flag). Give throat chance. Love, Bapu.
Answer:
(a) The letters tell us that Congress ideals were not monolithic and were developing over time through internal debates and conflicts, particularly between socialist (represented by Nehru) and conservative (represented by Prasad/Patel) tendencies. Nehru's willingness to express socialist views, even if mildly, shows an attempt to broaden the ideological scope of the Congress beyond traditional nationalism. The resistance from the conservatives reveals their desire to maintain a focus on established Congress programs and discomfort with radical ideologies perceived as divisive or harmful to the nationalist movement's broader unity. This suggests a process of negotiation and tension in shaping the future direction and ideals of the Congress.
(b) These letters reveal Mahatma Gandhi's crucial role as a mediator and unifying figure within the national movement and specifically within the Congress Working Committee. He is shown acting to "smooth over matters" and "avoid a crisis" (Nehru's letter). Both sides turn to him for resolution (Prasad/Nehru meeting him at Wardha). His response shows him attempting to manage the conflict not by taking a side but by addressing the communication breakdown, ego issues ("irritability," "magisterial manner," "arrogance"), and hurt feelings among his colleagues, while subtly guiding them. He influences decisions (Prasad/others withdrawing resignation) and offers advice (Nehru to continue as President, adopt a lighter approach), highlighting his moral authority and pivotal role in maintaining the cohesion of the diverse Congress leadership.
(c) Yes, such letters give us special insight into the working of the Congress and the nature of the national movement beyond formal meetings and public statements. They show: the internal dynamics, disagreements, personality clashes, and ideological tensions within the leadership ("tragi-comedy," "dreaded you," "chafed under your rebukes"). They reveal the informal channels of communication and negotiation used to manage conflicts ("long conversation," "prolonged consultation," "letters exchanged"). They highlight the crucial role of key individuals like Gandhi in mediating these tensions. They suggest that the national movement was not a perfectly united front but a complex interplay of different viewpoints and strategies, where personal relationships and authority figures played a significant role in maintaining unity amidst diversity. They offer a glimpse into the human dimension of political leadership and the challenges of coordinating diverse groups towards a common goal.
Framing A Picture
Autobiographies provide rich human details of the past but are retrospective accounts based on memory. They reflect what authors recall, see as important, want to recount, or how they want their life viewed. Writing an autobiography is framing a self-portrait. Reading them requires attention to what is included and excluded (silences), understanding reasons for wilful or unwitting acts of forgetting.
Through Police Eyes
Government records (letters, reports by police/officials) are vital sources for understanding colonial rule, as rulers monitored critics closely. These records were secret then, now accessible in archives.
Fortnightly reports (Home Department from early 20th century) based on police information, reflect officials' views/desires (seeing sedition but assuring fears unfounded). During Salt March reports (Source 8) show Home Dept. unwilling to admit march evoked response; saw it as drama, effort to mobilize unwilling, busy people happy under Raj. Reports often reflected fears/anxieties of officials unable to control movement, worried about spread, whether to arrest Gandhi, meaning of arrest. Colonial state's watch on public reflected worry about basis of its rule.
Source 8: Fortnightly Reports of the Home Department (Confidential) for First/Second half of March 1930 and First half of April 1930 from various provinces (Gujarat, Central Provinces/Berar, Bengal, Bihar/Orissa, Madras, Bombay, Punjab, United Provinces).
Answer:
(1) The nature of the source (confidential reports by colonial officials for internal government use) affects what is being said. These reports were intended to inform higher authorities about the political situation and potential threats to British rule, guiding policy decisions. Thus, they prioritize information related to political activity, potential for unrest, public response to nationalist movements, and the effectiveness of government actions. They reflect the official perspective, often viewing nationalist activities with suspicion and focusing on maintaining control and order. Quotations illustrating this: Phrases like "difficult to surmise at present," "little excitement, except in Congress circles," "little or no interest and leave no profound impression on the general population," "acting as theatrical," "programme as impracticable" reflect an initial attempt to downplay the movement's impact and portray the public as largely unaffected or even dismissive of it. However, phrases like "considerable misgiving," "a spark will be set to much inflammable material," "Political activity has undoubtedly intensified," and detailing widespread defiance show growing official concern and recognition of the movement's actual spread and potential for unrest, contradicting their initial attempts to minimize it. The reports are driven by the need to assess the threat accurately, leading to both minimization and acknowledgement of the movement's scale and potential.
(2) The Home Department was continuously reporting on what people thought about the possibility of Mahatma Gandhi's arrest because Gandhi's arrest was a crucial and highly sensitive political decision with significant potential consequences for the movement and public order. They needed to gauge public sentiment to anticipate the scale and nature of the response to an arrest. Rereading Gandhiji's speech on 5 April 1930 at Dandi (Source 4), he explicitly addresses the possibility of his arrest, framing it as a potential validation of the movement and emphasizing that a roused nation does not need a leader. By monitoring public opinion on this, the Home Department was assessing how much Gandhiji's message of leaderless resistance had resonated and whether his arrest would indeed lead to widespread, spontaneous action or could be contained, directly linking public reaction to the potential outcome of a major policy decision.
(3) Mahatma Gandhi was likely not arrested immediately upon reaching Dandi for several strategic reasons, as suggested by his speech and the reports. The British government might have hesitated due to: Fear of international condemnation ("fear of world opinion" mentioned by Gandhi). Reluctance to provoke a massive, nationwide outburst of popular anger and resistance that could be harder to control than the march itself ("felt ashamed to arrest such an army of peace," "army of peace"). Uncertainty about how the public, which revered Gandhi, would react ("considerable misgiving" in Madras report, "if any action is taken against him, a spark will be set to much inflammable material in Bengal"). Allowing the march to conclude might have been seen as a way to perhaps deflate its momentum or avoid making Gandhi a martyr through immediate forceful action, hoping the movement would fizzle out on its own, although this assessment proved wrong.
(4) The Home Department might have continued to say that the march was not evoking a significant response (despite evidence to the contrary) for several reasons: To maintain a facade of control and dismiss the movement's importance in official records, minimizing the perceived threat ("acting as theatrical," "programme as impracticable"). To reassure themselves and higher authorities that the situation was not as serious as it appeared, perhaps reflecting wishful thinking or bias. To justify a less immediate, less forceful response compared to outright brutal repression initially. However, the detailed reporting on meetings, attendance numbers, and acts of defiance in later reports (April 1930) indicate that despite the official rhetoric, they were well aware that the movement *was* evoking a response, suggesting a discrepancy between the official assessment presented and the actual information being collected internally. The initial reports' bias might stem from underestimating Gandhi's popular appeal or from attempting to frame the situation in a way that did not necessitate drastic and potentially problematic actions like arresting Gandhi immediately.
From Newspapers
Contemporary newspapers (English and Indian languages) are important sources, tracking Gandhi's activities and reporting on public opinion. However, not unprejudiced. Published by those with political opinions/world views influencing content/reporting. Account in London paper vs. Indian nationalist paper would differ. Reports need careful reading, not literal acceptance. Reflect fears/anxieties of officials unable to control movement, worrying about spread, whether to arrest Gandhi, meaning of arrest. Colonial state watching public = worrying about rule basis.
Timeline
Timeline: Some Major Mughal Chronicles and Memoirs
Lists key Mughal historical texts and their approximate composition/publication dates.
Timeline: Landmarks in the History of the Mughal Empire
Lists major political events and reigns from Babur to Bahadur Shah II.
Timeline: Some Major Religious Teachers in the Subcontinent
Lists prominent religious figures and their approximate living periods (c. 500 CE - 1700 CE).
Timeline: Major Religious Developments
Lists key religious periods/events from early Vedic to early temples.
Timeline: Major Landmarks in the Study of the Mahabharata
Lists key events in the scholarly study and publication of the Critical Edition.
Timeline: Major Advances in Epigraphy
Lists significant developments in the study of inscriptions from 18th to 20th centuries.
Timeline: Landmarks in the Discovery and Preservation of Early Monuments and Sculpture
Lists key events in archaeology and preservation efforts from 19th century onwards.
Timeline: Major Political Developments
Lists key political events from c. 600 BCE to 8th century CE.
Timeline: Some Travellers who Left Accounts
Lists prominent travelers to India and their approximate lifespans/periods of visit.
Timeline:
Lists key dates related to the establishment and development of colonial rule and cities (1500-1818).
Timeline:
Lists key dates related to the 1857 Revolt (1857-1858).
Timeline:
Lists key dates related to the Nationalist Movement led by Mahatma Gandhi (1915-1946).
ANSWER IN 100-150 WORDS
Questions requiring short essay answers on aspects of the 1857 revolt and its representation, drawing upon evidence from the chapter.
Write a short essay (250-300 words) on the following:
Questions requiring more detailed essay answers on specific themes related to the 1857 revolt, using evidence from the chapter.
Map work
Map-based activity related to the 1857 revolt.
Projects (choose one)
Suggestions for independent projects involving research or analyzing representations of the revolt.
If you would like to know more, read:
Suggestions for further reading on the topic.
For more information, you could visit:
Suggestions for online resources.
Credits for Illustrations
List of sources for the images used in the chapter.